By Richard Dennis
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Additional info for A Social Geography of England and Wales
Example text
4). Printing activities were concentrated around St. Pauls, in Paternoster FIG. 3 A. Medieval London (after Smailes, 1964). Pre-industrial England 35 Row and in Fleet Street and the segregation of the capital's markets provided a fine example of a spatial response to social institutions. Until the Civil War the City resisted the establishment of markets beyond its Liberties. Meat was sold in Eastcheap and in the Shambles (modern Newgate Street), and the Poultry, at the eastern end of Cheapside, spoke for itself.
Whatever the reasons for these trends in population growth and redistribution they have important consequences for the validity of models such as Wirth's theory of urbanism or Burgess' zonal model of residential segregation within cities. Both models emphasize the social consequences of increasing size and density and the reaction of residents to life in unfamiliar surroundings with large numbers of people unlike themselves. Our cursory review of population growth in England and Wales suggests that such models may be applicable to nineteenth-century towns which were growing at unprecedented rates to unprecedented sizes.
Urban charters defined the rights, freedoms and privileges of townsfolk, making them and the communities to which they belonged quite different from rural groups. Pre-industrial towns were normally bigger than villages, though not necessarily so. Many were walled and most contained market places, market crosses, shops and shambles. But in some visual respects they were similar to villages and, in Patten's (1978) words, "were deeply penetrated by the countryside.. . Ploughland, meadow, orchards, farms and gardens marched boldly into the back streets of even the biggest towns, whose streets were often full of livestock and of people bringing foodstuffs from field to consumer" (p.









